Mark Donne, political officer of the Justice for Columbia campaign, argues that military aid and diplomatic support of the right wing Columbian government should cease immediately.
Scrutiny of UK foreign policy during the Blair era was – with obvious cause – focused on the Middle East and to a lesser extent, Africa. Grass roots social change in Latin America has to a degree moved that continent into British political consciousness. However, our relationship with one South American nation, Colombia, has (not accidentally) avoided serious investigation, despite the efforts of the trade union movement and a concerned group of MP’s.
For more than 40 years Colombia has been suffering from an internal armed conflict between left wing guerrilla group FARC and paramilitary groups “strongly associated†with successive right wing governments, up to and including that of incumbent President Uribe, more of which later. The humanitarian consequences of the conflict have been so severe that Colombia currently has one of the worst human rights records in the world.
The vast majority of human rights abuses, including the assassination of over 4,000 trade unionists in the last 15 years, are attributed to government armed forces and state backed paramilitaries. Indeed, more trade unionists are assassinated in Colombia than in the rest of the world combined. Local councillors and journalists are also common targets of persecution and violence, not to mention poor rural villagers who are frequently attacked and displaced.
According to the most recent report of the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Colombia: “The human rights situation continued to be critical. There was an increase in reports of extrajudicial executions attributed to members of the security forces and other public officials.†The issue for consideration is why – with such appalling human rights standards – the Colombian administration continues to receive full financial and diplomatic support from the UK and US governments.
President Uribe, an Oxford and Havard educated lawyer, has strongly denied direct links with the paramilitaries, although these claims are looking increasing risible. In July this year, Colombia’s pro-Uribe former intelligence chief was arrested and charged with murder and supplying the names of trade unionists and human rights workers to right-wing militias. Many on the alleged target list were murdered.
Mr Noguera was a close ally of Uribe and former head of the Administrative Security Department (DAS). Noguera had first been investigated over the murder of an academic conducting an investigation into the forced displacement of peasants.
To date, eight members of Uribe’s coalition have been imprisoned for collusion with drug-running militias. In February this year, the foreign minister was forced to resign owing to her family being investigated for direct right-wing paramilitary links. Colombia’s Supreme Court has subsequently ordered the arrest of five congressmen over alleged links with the death squads. Other senior business figures are also being sought. Colombian Vice-President Francisco Santos has stated that as many as 30 members of Congress could be prosecuted because of associations with the scandal.
So at the very least, the Colombian government is mired in corruption allegations and damned for allowing human rights abusers impunity. Yet the UK remains the second largest donor of military aid to Colombia after the United States. The government refuses to disclose full details of this aid and it is impossible to verify the extent of the military assistance that Colombia receives from the UK, though it is clear that we export lethal military equipment to Colombia.
The government has refused to make public the total cost to the UK taxpayer of military assistance to Colombia and successive freedom of information act requests to the Foreign Office, Treasury and MOD have all been refused.
Requests for information about which Colombian army units are being trained by UK forces and what human rights safeguards or monitoring mechanisms are in place have been turned down on the grounds of “national securityâ€.
The government insists that military aid to Colombia is contingent upon the complete respect for human rights and international humanitarian law. But as the human rights crisis in Colombia persists and, in light of the UN publicly stating that abuses by the Colombian security forces are increasing, why then does UK military aid continue? Indeed a July report by Amnesty International focused on the murder of trade unionists in Colombia stated:
“The government is pursuing policies which are contrary to its obligations under international human rights law and repeated UN human rights recommendations. These policies are dragging civilians further into the conflict and strengthening impunity.â€
So it remains quite possible that UK assistance is contributing to the failure of the Colombian government to implement UN human rights recommendations.
Arguably, as we move into the Brown/Milliband era, an ethical, responsible foreign policy change should and will be aspired to. In the US, the 2006 regaining of Congress by the Democratic Party has resulted in significant reductions in US military aid to Colombia, owing to human rights concerns. During a recent visit to Washington, both Al Gore and Nancy Pelosi refused to meet with President Uribe.
In this context and until sufficient, evidenced guarantees can be provided that UK assistance to the Colombian security forces is not subsequently being shared with illegal paramilitary forces – which have well documented links to the very Colombian security forces responsible for abhorrent human rights abuses – military aid and diplomatic support should be withdrawn with immediate effect.
Mark Donne is political officer of the Justice for Columbia campaign (JFC). You can watch the latest JFC video here which is intorduced by TUC general secretary, Brendan Barber, who is President of JFC. Also, click here for the latest Amnesty International press release on the murder of trade unionists in Columbia.