Occupy Oil Final planning meeting Saturday the 4th of February 2012 Methodist Hall 1pm http://www.methodist-central-hall.org.uk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=160&Itemid=85

What is Occupy Oil?

We believe that the war for resources that has plagued us for many years, is forcing us to the point of near destruction. The pursuit of oil and minerals in Africa by the 1% has resulted in millions being murdered, raped or displaced.

Africa is plagued with civil war, poverty and starvation. The Middle East is at the point of all out war. The ruling elites are on the verge of attacking Iran. The global economy is eating itself alive. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, since 1997, 8 million people have lost their lives in a civil war, manipulated by those who would seek to gain the most from this resource rich country. The African people, in Nigeria, the DRC, Libya, Uganda and elsewhere, will pay dearly for the materialism of the West.

In the UK over 2000 people will die from fuel poverty this year. The 1% in the form of global corporations will continue to reap the rewards, while the old and vulnerable will be found dead in their beds, having been forced to make the choice between heat and food.

Many people who are unfit and unable to work, will be forced off benefits and into unpaid and low paid work for the benefit of tax-dodging companies and supermarket chains. Food prices will continue to rise, pushed up by the ever increasing price of crude oil. While bankers continue to give themselves bonuses, in some cases, £3 billion for managing hedge funds. Politicians will reward them with peerages and accolades, while condemning the workers to a life of poverty.

In Ireland, a country on the verge of economic collapse, politicians in the last government, on leaving office, signed over the gas resources to Shell oil – at the same time cutting benefits to those most in need.

It’s time to make a stand. On 8th February 2012 we will Occupy Petrol Stations across London. We call on activists to organise yourselves into affinity groups and join this action London-wide. Make banners, get sound systems and pick targets. As the date approaches we can co-ordinate actions for maximum impact. Let’s send an opening shot in our war against the global elites.

As the Coalition is fond of saying, the UK is one of the most centralised countries in Europe. Lucky then, you’d think, that the Coalition inherited an unusual law with the potential to help make localism a reality. But the story of the Sustainable Communities Act so far is a reminder of how reluctant successive governments have been to devolve genuine power to local areas.

In theory the Sustainable Communities Act (SCA) enables communities, through councils, to demand new local powers to promote social, economic or environmental wellbeing – a deliberately broad definition. Proposals are shortlisted by the Local Government Association and the Government must either grant councils the powers requested or justify, to Parliament, why they won’t.

As a Private Member’s Bill, the SCA had to struggle for Parliamentary time despite considerable cross-party support – a huge flaw in a system which, as shown again by the recent ‘talking out’ of the Daylight Saving Bill, still needs radical reform. Unusually, and impressively, the SCA got through in 2007. 100 council areas opted in, submitting proposals covering everything from speed limits and renewable energy to planning regulations and business rates.

Since then, however, delay and frustration have dominated. Three years after the Act was passed, there had still been no Government response to the first round of proposals. The Sustainable Communities Amendment Bill was passed in 2010, aiming to tighten up the process. Campaigners are still not satisfied: important details were left to later regulations, which are now coming under scrutiny.

More broadly, the SCA’s relationship with the current Government’s localist narrative deserves examination. On the surface the Coalition has embraced the SCA, responding promptly to the first round of proposals it inherited and giving the green light to several. At the same time, it announced that communities would no longer have to wait for the next ’round’ to submit proposals, but could do so at any time through a new ‘barrier busting‘ website.

Welcome as the ‘barrier busting’ initiative is, and though it does not claim to replace the SCA, it illustrates the limitations of the Government’s approach to localism. The idea of a broad conversation on the powers local government needs to promote citizens’ wellbeing has given way to a narrow focus on deregulation. The political framing is as significant as the practical impact, with standard Conservative scapegoats such as health and safety and ‘red tape’ cited as examples of barriers ‘holding communities back’. One of the few Barrier Busting cases substantially taken up by Government is that of a community group apparently prevented by a council from running a volunteer School Crossing Patrol service, on the grounds that they aren’t insured.

Undoubtedly some councils have a risk-averse culture that needs addressing. But by focusing on points like this – or on ridiculous crusades such as Eric Pickles’s rantings about bin collections, the Government is skirting round the huge elephant in the room – local authorities’ lack of financial freedom. Such freedom is sorely needed, both to allow councils to meet local needs by raising revenue to spend on local services, and to give councils the levers to incentivise projects and behaviours, such as travelling sustainably or developing affordable housing, that can help an area improve.

Those who pushed the SCA through fully recognised the importance of financial control in determining where power lies. One of the Act’s most radical provisions is to ‘open the books’ so that communities can see a breakdown of all public money being spent in their area and propose that particular spending by any Governmental agency or QUANGO be devolved to the local authority. However, MPs have expressed concerns that the provisions have been watered down by subsequent regulation. The Coalition, creditably, is running ‘community budget‘ pilot schemes to pool funding from different agencies within local areas. But the idea that communities should be able to know exactly what is being spent, by whom, and put forward proposals to bring that money under democratic control and try to spend it better, seems to have disappeared.

Even more radically, and even more at odds with the current system, the Act also allows councils to propose new powers to raise funding. Some of these have been agreed by the Government; for example, councils will now be able to keep business rate money raised from new renewable energy schemes. That right may seem self-evident to those unaware of the current role of councils as a mere collection agency for business rates, collecting the centrally set tax and passing the proceeds to central government for redistribution. With much fanfare, the Government has set out plans to allow local authorities to retain business rates – giving them a direct financial incentive to promote local business growth – through the Local Government Finance Bill currently going through. Again, however, this is shaping up to be a disappointment, continuing the irony of the Localism Act, which saw central Government take on 142 new powers. A typical view from a group of (London) councils, much quoted in the House of Commons, is that the proposed new system is ‘fiendishly complex’, with incentives for growth undermined by placing too much ‘under direct Ministerial control’ and particular concerns, shared by poorer areas, over the Secretary of State’s power to vary the ‘central share’ of money taken by Government, without clarity over how this will be returned to the local level. It’s a far cry from the vision of the Sustainable Communities Act – and, to be fair, a far cry from a more distinctively Liberal vision for ‘real localism’.

The Coalition declares that it does not believe in regulating how councils should behave: it is for local people to hold them to account. Inconsistently though this principle has been applied, it broadly makes sense. But this must not be used to obscure the desperate need for more stringent regulation of government to ensure it decentralises power. Local Works members have written to the Minister for Decentralisation, Greg Clark, to address some of the issues with the regulations attached to the SCA, and are urging people to write to their MP in support. Given the consistent cross-party enthusiasm for the idea, progress may well be made. But as this intriguing episode in the recent history of English democracy reminds us, progress in getting governments to give up real power tends to be slow. When it comes to localism, warm words are ten a penny: it takes a brave government to put its money where its mouth is.

Majeed Neky blogs at http://localismclub.wordpress.com

The main theme of African football at international level recently has been that of shock results and big name exits as Nigeria, Egypt and Cameroon all failed to grace the African Cup of Nations this year. The finals of the tournament have proved to be no different with some incredible results in the group stages, throwing it wide open as the quarter-finals leave all the odd makers perplexed as to what might happen next.

The most obvious place to start is group A, where Senegal, who had a squad that caused pundits to tip them as possible favourites, were dumped out by the second group game. Demba Ba, so devastating in the Premier League this year for Newcastle this year failed to register a solitary strike in this year’s competition. Newcastle will of course be delighted to see him and his compatriot and new signing Papiss Cisse return earlier than expected, but for Senegal’s fans there will be major dissatisfaction at their inability to gain a point, let alone qualify from the group.

Demba Ba shows his frustrations against Equatorial Guinea

Senegal’s loss, however, is Zambia’s and most interestingly hosts Equatorial Guinea’s gain. Equatorial Guinea had never appeared at the Nations Cup before jointly hosting it this year and their immediate impact has sent the nation into football frenzy. Gilson Paulo, imported from Brazil a mere two weeks before the tournament commenced, has masterminded two unlikely victories against Libya and the much fancied Senegal to see them whip up quite a storm. Their first victory was secured by Javier Balboa, who was previously on the books of none other than Real Madrid. Their second game was where the real drama lay though, as Equatorial Guinea conceded a late equalizer to Senegal, and would have been forgiven for perhaps settling for that, but David Álvarez Aguirre had other ideas. In time added on he dispatched a rasping drive from 30 yards out that not only secured his country’s qualification, but also Senegal’s exit.

Rainford Kalaba shields the ball against Javier Balboa

Zambia were surprise performers at the last Nations Cup and were unlucky to bow out on penalties against Nigeria. Hanging on to manager Herve Renard has ensured consistency and their star pair last time around Rainford Kalaba and skipper Christopher Katongo have been amongst the goals this year. Zambia managed to top the group and in so doing have avoided Ivory Coast in the quarter finals, this coupled with the impressive form of the two mentioned and Emmanuel Mayuka make them dark horses in the competition. They have looked impressive in all three group games, remaining unbeaten and looking resilient, no more so than against Libya when the pitch was practically unplayable, but Kalaba still managed to create significant openings for Zambia.

In group B firm favourites Ivory Coast have racked up three wins in albeit an uninspiring fashion. They topped the group and have yet to concede, but don’t quite look the powerhouse that their household names suggest they should be. Didier Drogba has rippled the net, but Gervinho has shown the same brilliance and profligacy that has frustrated Arsenal fans all season, while Yaya Toure seems a shadow of the player who terrorizes teams in England. The results however, back up the assumption that they are the safe bet for the tournament winners and although they have not sparkled in the group stages they may be a different prospect in the knock-out phase, especially without Egypt to worry about.

Along with Ivory Coast a young Sudan team qualified in second spot, Mudather Tayeb benefited from some terrible Burkino Faso defending and goalkeeping to score the necessary goals in the final group game. Their inclusion in the quarter finals is at the expense of Angola, another nation expected to do better, who were powered up front by Manucho, a player who Manchester United and Hull City fans will remember. His goal powered Angola to victory in their opening match and he was also on target twice against Sudan, but the 2-2 draw in that fixture was their downfall as they lost to Ivory Coast by a higher margin than Sudan who scraped through.

Mudather Tayeb (right) scored both goals in Sudan's victory over Burkina Faso

Group C saw the other co-hosts Gabon in surprisingly good form as they took maximum points from all three group games, a feat matched only by Ivory Coast. They coasted past Niger in their opening match before a dramatic injury-time free-kick won Gabon all three points in a 3-2 humdinger against Morocco, where Daniel Cousin, again remembered in England for his time at Hull City, was amongst the goals. Their main threat has been from St. Etienne front man Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang who has scored in each of their matchs so far, the pick of which was his thumping volley against Morocco. Morocco’s own disappointing campaign ended with victory over Niger, but it was far too little too late. Arsenal’s Marouane Chamakh took his dismal form into the Nations Cup and was dropped after their first game; his only meaningful contribution was to win a penalty against Gabon, which turned out to be in vain.

Tunisia, often the mainstays amongst African teams to qualify for World Cup finals, have in recent years been in decline and their performances to gain their inclusion in the quarter finals were underwhelming to say the least. Anyone who has seen them play at a World Cup may say that this is no different to before, but their inclusion beyond the next round doesn’t seem likely. After seeing off a poor Niger team and an off-colour Morocco team they lost to the spirited co-hosts Gabon, whose pace of play proved too much for their static back line.

Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang scores against Tunisia

In group D, Ghana were of course named as pre-tournament favourites along with Ivory Coast and Senegal and they have so far just about lived up to their billing. They do not possess the individual talents that the Ivory Coast do and are lacking their one world class player in Michael Essien, but their team ethic is incredible and they seem to visibly enjoy playing for each other. Asmoah Gyan scored a brilliant free-kick against Mali to remind those of us who might have forgotten now he has departed the Premier League. Marseille hit man Andre Ayew also scored a great individual effort in that game to show why his club will be missing his talents in the Champions League if Ghana progress far enough in the Nations Cup this year. They have so far overcome the challenges of Mali and Guinea to finish top of the pile in their group, but sterner tests lie ahead and their steady progression must add some more inventiveness to its attack if they are to seriously challenge for the main prize.

Asmoah Gyan celebrates scoring a free-kick against Mali

All that leaves is Mali, who shorn of the talents of Freddy Kanoute, still have Barcelona’s Seydou Keita and Mahamadou Diarra, once of Real Madrid, to call upon. Their progression to the quarter finals was expected alongside Ghana, in the one group that didn’t really throw up any surprises.

The quarter finals have pitted Zambia against Sudan, the winner of which will face Ghana or Tunisia, with Ghana’s team ethic and strong spine I predict it will be a semi-final between them and dark horses Zambia. On the other side Ivory Coast look set to bring co-hosts Equatorial Guinea’s whirlwind adventure to a close, but who they will face is more difficult to predict. With Gabon’s plucky style and home advantage, their quarter final may prove to be the one to watch as they take on Mali.

There have been glimpses so far of flair and excitement in this year Cup of Nations, but the real drama has only just begun as the knock-out phase promises to bring out the real quality in this tournament when teams go head-to-head.

What needs to be done

To prevent financial speculators from generating profits at the cost of the poot, we need strong regulation of commodity derivatives markets. This includes:
• Trade on transparent exchanges or clearing houses
• High margin requirements for Over-the-counter trade
• Reporting and public reports
• Price oversight and price limits
• Prevention of excessive speculation through position limits
• Trading prohibition for institutional funds, mutual funds and for proprietary trading
• Control of the speculation by multinational commodity companies
• Transaction tax on commodity derivatives trading

For about what can be done in the UK visit World Development Movement website

Farrely (Lab): You are cutting front line officers. Stop that shit
PM: Labour support the cuts and we’re sacking police pen pushers

Sharma: We all should support the Coalition screwing over the poor
PM: Indeed. Tonight we’ll see what Labour Party really stands for!

Ed M: When will you show the millionaires on state banks payroll?
PM: We’re so tough on banks its Mr Fred the Shred now not regulation

ne said: “We support those proposals”. Make it happen.
PM: Labour gave out £1.3 billion in bonuses! You did jack shit.

Ed M: So you are leading the class war against bankers then?
Speaker: PM please don’t call names to fellow hypocrites.
PM: Ok. Pleb.

Ed M: Gideon was in Davos saying he wants to lower income tax for the rich
PM: You are struggling. You were in Davos with him!

Davis (Con): Jobs from India are going to France instead of my patch. Shall we cut their aid?
PM: Not over yet. They might buy British

MP: Means testing for pensioner bus passes? Is that fair?
PM: Absolutely.

Mordaunt: Save Pompey football club make it co-op!
PM: I’ll look into it.

Ed M: All NHS staff say: Tory Health bill is a dangerous pile of shit
PM: No Welfare cap question? We are giving patients false choice

Ed M: The public and professions are against the bill. Drop it.
PM: I’m just finishing the work Tony Blair and New Labour started

Sandys (Con): Thanks for the exploitation zone in my patch.
PM: We’ve done great work keeping jobs in Britain by taking less tax.

Jarvis (Lab): People are dying from the cold because of wasteful NHS re-organisation.
PM: We kept cold winter payments. So be grateful

Brake: We need a new way of working for merging hospitals in my patch
PM: The department of health will help you out.

Ritchie (SDLP): Removal of child & working tax credit won’t make work pay.
PM: We are helping people shift to the poorer way of life.

McVey: A Labour council allowed vicious fuckers work in adult care.
PM: A quango will continue to expose this terrible market failure.

Clark: You are making a 50% cut to disabled children benefit.
PM: Wrong. No one will be affected on the lower end.

Nuttall: Let’s end the something for nothing culture amongst the poor not banksters.
PM: Yup Labour can’t tell me what they stand for.

Gilmore (Lab): PM is tougher on the vulnerable than bankers
PM: Now you don’t support Housing cuts, its Labour complaining about it

MP (Con): Right-wing voters are upset that people are getting enough to live on via benefits. PM: Absolutely, and Labour is a vacuum

MP (LD): Offshore companies are ripping off Britain.
PM: A funder of your party is also based offshore

MP:
PM: There are many people who reckon us Tories are too generous giving benefits on £26,000.

Gapes: RBS is not paying a Living Wage.
PM: We cut the bonus pool, we’ve capped cash bonuses to £2K. Labour didn’t.

Huppert: Cut tax for the poor
PM: We’ll look into it

Cooper (Lab): Midwives are being reduced, were you lying?
PM: Your figures are wrong, the public can trust me on the NHS.

Mulholland (LD): Meet with the family, let’s stop death by driving suspects, driving.
PM: I will listen to their concerns.

MP (DUP): We will support the govt to punish the poor and disabled. But don’t rush it.
PM: Together, we’ll force people into work.

Jones (Con): Labour are flip-flopping on Welfare Reform.
PM: They are not flip-flopping, just flopping.

As heard by @Justinthelibsoc

By Robert Kazandjian / @RKazandjian

It is a sad fact that the Armenian Genocide and the ongoing fight for genocide recognition is a crucial part of modern Armenian identity. For nearly a century, successive Turkish governments have followed a policy of fierce denial; the genocide never happened. Mindful of their important strategic relationship with Turkey, Israel, the United Kingdom and the United States still fail to officially recognise the genocide. The United States has even been complicit in the Turkish denial.

The battle for recognition and Turkish denial were thrust in to the western media spotlight when French parliament submitted legislation that would make it a crime to deny any genocide officially recognised by the state. France only recognises the Jewish Holocaust and the Armenian Genocide. If President Sarkozy ratifies the legislation, denial of either would be punishable by a substantial fine and custodial sentence. The legislation prompted a furious response from Ankara; Turkey threatened retaliatory measures against its NATO ally.

As a bi-ethnic Armenian I am expected to welcome the legislation and yet I am troubled by it. Free speech is fundamental to the development of a democratic society and to try to legislate it sets a dangerous precedent. Equally important to a democratic society is the acknowledgement of history and confronting the past. The legislation does violate free speech, despite the fact that genocide denial is one of the most repugnant expressions of it. It is also hypocritical; France still fails to acknowledge the atrocities it committed as a brutal imperial power, the Algerian War for Independence offering a significant example.

President Sarkozy is a politician seeking re-election and with the Armenian Diaspora in France being many, the Armenian Genocide is being used as a political football. The passing of the legislation will secure votes.

However what I do welcome, what I always will welcome is any reminder served to the Turkish government; the issue of the Armenian Genocide and the sustained denial of it will not disappear. The response from Ankara is not a passionate defence of free speech. Under Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code it is illegal to insult Turkey, Turkish ethnicity and Turkish government institutions. Article 301 is an overt suppression of free speech.

Prominent Turkish and Turkish-Armenian intellectuals, Orhan Pamuk and Hrant Dink who have publicly acknowledged the Armenian Genocide have been charged under Article 301. Ultra-nationalists subsequently assassinated Hrant Dink. The governmental denial of the genocide aims to reshape history and demonises the victims, fuelling anger and aggression towards them. Explosions of violence are inevitable.

The Armenian Genocide is of great importance to modern world history because it provided a blueprint for centrally organised, systematic annihilation of a race of people. On April 24^th, 1915, Ottoman authorities arrested prominent Armenian community figures and intellectuals in Constantinople and the majority were executed. This date conventionally marks the beginning of the genocide but the idea of killing Armenians with impunity under Ottoman imperial rule had been cultivated over a long period of time.

Under the Muslim dhimmi system, religious minorities within the Ottoman Empire were tolerated but not accorded equal rights and were subject to exploitation. The Armenians, a Christian minority, populated the eastern provinces of what is now Turkey. They pushed for reform in the 1890s. Sultan Abdul Hamid II created the Hamidiye, a paramilitary unit made up of Kurdish irregular troops, to suppress the Armenians. Indiscriminate massacres took place, leaving 300,000 dead. It was the old imperial adage of divide and rule.

Abdul Hamid II was removed from power by the Young Turk revolution of 1908. The nationalist wing of the movement consolidated power under the banner of the Committee of Union and Progress. Fuelled by a pan-Turkic ideology and under the cover of the First World War the Armenian Genocide was planned and conducted.

The triumvirate leadership of Mehmed Talaat, Ismail Enver and Ahmed Djemal, operating under the pretence that the Armenian minority were a security threat to the Ottoman Empire, ordered wholesale deportation of all Armenians from the eastern provinces to concentration camps in the Syrian Desert. Deportation was code for massacre. Men, women and children were slaughtered. The barbaric methodology varied. Those who survived the death marches were left to starve in the camps. Over 1,000,000 lives perished.

Immediate parallels can be made between the Armenian Genocide and the Jewish Holocaust. World War created the ideal conditions for each atrocity to take place. The propagandist idea that Armenians were a disease that infected Turkish society foreshadowed the Nazi ideal that Germany needed to be free of the Jewish race in order to revitalise itself. When addressing his generals before the invasion of Poland in 1939, Hitler asked rhetorically ‘who, after all, speaks today of the annihilation of the Armenians?’ This statement is indicative of the successful erosion of memory perpetuated by Turkish governments.

The end of the First World War signalled the dismemberment of the Ottoman territories by western imperial powers, desperate to divide and exploit the oil-wealth of what is now known as the Middle East.

The Turkish Republic formed under Mustafa Kemal’s leadership. The Kemalists were totalisitc nationalists and initiated the vehement denial of the Armenian genocide in order to create a monolithic Turkish state, refusing to acknowledge that Armenian provinces ever existed in Turkey. Kemalist propaganda depicted the Armenian minority as a rebellious, violent insurgency and attributed deaths to internal conflict. Successive Turkish governments have adopted this line of argument since.

The United States remained neutral to the Ottoman Empire during the war and was the emerging leader of the capitalist system. American foreign policy now dictated by oil and self-interest, solidified relations with Turkey in the pursuit of open door business and commerce. Armenia was deemed void of natural resources and of little use, a tiny landlocked state that had been absorbed by the Soviet Union. Anticommunist sentiment was rife and Turkey eventually assumed the role of NATO defender on the Soviet border. Turkey is of equal strategic importance today as the west continues its crusade to spread democracy in the Middle East and diplomatic relations with the republic is crucial to western interests.

In the United States in 2000, an Armenian Genocide resolution was proposed by congress to President Clinton. The resolution sought to ensure that recognition of the genocide became constitutional, a simple bill with no legal ramifications. Ankara warned the United States that passing the resolution would have disastrous consequences, Turkish airbases would be closed to American planes and weapons contracts would be cancelled. The resolution was quashed. An attempt by a supposed super-power to commemorate the Armenian Genocide had been censored by a client state.

It is a fallacy to believe that the Armenian Genocide has two legitimate histories, one for the perpetrators and one for the victims. The genocide is not an allegation. It is a fact. The denial of the genocide is a cruel attempt to subvert the truth in order to preserve a national mythology. The majority of the Armenian Diaspora is descended from the survivors of the genocide. Until a brave Turkish leader acknowledges the past and confronts history, the deep wounds inflicted upon our identity will never be allowed to heal.

Workers at Ratcliffe power station in Nottinghamshire will be demonstrating as its major contractor, Spie Matthew Hall is part of a group of breakaway construction companies, which are imposing semi-skilled grades onto the mechanical and electrical sector.

Unite regional officer, Steve Syson, said: “Our members are extremely angry at these proposed changes which are not only an attack on long standing and highly regarded industry agreements, but a serious attack on thousands of construction workers livelihoods.

“With the cost of living and day-to-day bills sky-rocketing, these workers cannot afford to lose a third of their income. They have made it clear that they will not accept a pay cut and will continue protesting until their employers have returned to the negotiating table for a constructive dialogue.”

Workers in five of the seven breakaway companies have been written to by their managers with a stark choice – sign new contracts on much inferior pay, and terms and conditions, or face the sack. The employers want to withdraw from five long-held agreements and replace them with a new agreement which will allow employers to introduce semi-skilled grades and dictate, rather than negotiate, on pay, holiday entitlement, overtime, and what constitutes away work.

However, five of the seven have upped the stakes. Balfour Beatty, Crown House Technologies, Spie Matthew Hall, Shepherd Engineering Services and NG Bailey have issued Unite with legal notice of their intention to dismiss, with notice, thousands of employees before re-engaging them on new inferior contracts.

At approximately 8.45 am six of us occupied two meeting rooms at British Gas HQ. Since then police have attempted to break in and force us out.

British Gas have now asked us to engage in “negotiations” over our demands. Here is our response.

How can ordinary people have a dialogue with energy companies which wield so much power over our daily lives? Will they bear responsibility for people’s lives – such as the 2.7 thousand estimated to die this winter as a direct result of fuel poverty in the UK, and the millions threatened by climate change?

How will a chat about our grievances make a difference when 4 million people filed complaints against their energy company last year, and we still have no say in how our energy is produced and priced?

What does British Gas, or any of the Big Six, or the government have to say on energy and poverty to the 18.4% households in England, 32.7% in Scotland, 40% in Wales and 43.7% Northern Ireland – still under Big Six and UK economic control – that are suffering fuel poverty?

The answer, until now, is business as usual. Bills have gone up 91% in past 6 years. The average bill of £600 in 2006 is now £1259. Companies lowering their prices only to be able to raise them whenever it suits, or offering insulation only to be paid back at exorbitant cost does not solve the problem of our powerlessness.

Can dialogue fundamentally change our condition of being at the mercy of a volatile profit-driven energy market that is accelerating climate change? “Dialogue” is so similar to empty government consultation, masking the huge deficit of democracy we are living through.

What we want is energy justice, equal access to green, sustainable, publicly controlled energy, and energy democracy i.e. a direct say in how our energy is produced. We don’t just want to talk about it, we want to see it. We want to make it happen and we want to shift the balance of power currently standing at the 99% (us) having our energy controlled by the 1% (energy companies), to equality, democracy and an end to the rigged energy market that prioritises profit over people.

Phil Bentley has said he will meet us at time and place to be decided in the future. But this isn’t really about you Phil. What would the meeting between Phil and his Big Six counterparts and government backers with the millions suffering from fuel poverty and climate change look like?

Maybe we can see a glimpse of such a meeting and what we want not just in our small occupation of British Gas’s offices but in the wider Occupy movement and the millions out on the streets in Nigeria, Russia, Greece, demanding real democracy and energy justice.

Our actions need to speak for themselves. We’re occupying for the alternative

Originally posted at Fuel Poverty Action

Sacked cleaner Alberto Durango

• Where

  Heron Tower, 110 Bishopsgate, EC2

  View Map · Get Directions
• When

  Friday, February 10, 2012
• Time

  5:00pm until 8:00pm

The Industrial Workers of the World Cleaners and Allied Grades Branch Secretary Alberto Durango was yesterday sacked from his job at the Heron Tower by the contractor Incentive FM Group Ltd. It is an act of victimisation of a leading union activist well known for campaigning to defend and improve the conditions of workers in the cleaning industry.

In August 2011 IWW secured a significant success on the London Living Wage for cleaners at Heron Tower and in defence of victimised staff. Since the then there have been those seeking revenge against Alberto and the IWW. In November 2011, Alberto was suspended for using a service lift used daily by other staff. The same month IWW negotiated an agreement with the cleaning contractor LCC that there would be no compulsory redundancies and any staff reductions would be by transfers to alternative posts. A new contractor has taken over at Heron Tower who have not recognised this agreement which continues under TUPE, Incentive have singled out Alberto for redundancy without any objective justification.

The company Cushman & Wakefield’s who manage Heron Tower also manage Exchange Tower where IWW has a campaign for the London Living Wage. This company had taken an excessively aggressive stance against IWW and our members, preventing leaflets being distributed and threatening IWW members with investigations.

The Industrial Workers of the World is based on the principle that an injury to one is an injury to all. We call on all workers to show their solidarity with the Cleaners Branch Secretary and demand the immediate reinstatement if Alberto Durango and no compulsory redundancies